THE EU IN THE HS

 
    Heikki Heikkilä participated in the EU research project by studying for nearly three years (1.1.1992-18.10.94) the contents of two Finnish mainstream media: the Helsingin Sanomat and the STT. During this period, Finland made its EU membership application and had the referendum on EU membership. Heikkinen describes the Helsingin Sanomat as 'the central forerunner of the Finnish journalistic culture or even a frame of reference'. (Ibid. 1996, 65.) It is therefore natural to use Helsingin Sanomat as an example of Finnish EU journalism.

 
    Who represented the citizens in the EU discussion? How was the HS's inner society composed? In news journalism, the nation is usually represented by different kinds of authorities, institutions and especially by the political elite. The Helsingin Sanomat emphasized the position of ministers Aho, Haavisto and Salolainen. The prime ministers and 'Finland's negotiation team' were the central sources of EU information and central objects of journalists' attention. Both EU-positive and EU-negative organizations of citizens had difficulties in breaking into HS's publicity. The leading articles, columns and current affair journalists tried to control access of outside actors to HS's publicity. (Heikkilä 1996, 95-97.) Finnish EU journalism was heavily based on authoritative sources. The credibility of the news is to a great extent based on legitimate sources. In a socially important process, like the EU membership process, credible sources were perhaps considered to be even more important factors than usual. (Kivikuru 1996, 168-169.)

 
    The Helsingin Sanomat emphasized unity and uniformity by showing loyalty to the political system and by marginalizing and doubting minority opinions and groups. The discourse of HS stressed openess and democracy of the EU decision and thus supported the understanding of the legitimacy of the political system. Neither politicians nor the Helsingin Sanomat stressed the inevitability of the EU membership until just before the referendum in August 1994. On the eve of the referendum, Helsingin Sanomat playd the role of a concerned state authority and expressed concern about nations future after a 'difficult and painful decision'. (Heikkilä 1996, 101.)

 
    Iina Hellsten participated in the EU research project by studying the established EU metaphors used by Finnish mainstream media: the Helsingin Sanomat and YLE's TV channels. She analyzed nearly 600 HS articles between 1992 and 1994. According to Hellsten, Finnish public discussion was based on a metaphorically structured picture of Europe and the European Union. According to the rhetoric that supported Finland's membership, Finland could either join the Union or stay in a backward periphery. According to the opposite rhetoric, EU membership would mean submission to Brussels' power. (Ibid. 1996, 178.)

 
    Metaphors direct our language, actions and thinking. Journalistic texts are full of methaphorical utterances. Political events are often related to games, wars, theatre or trade. Metaphors are used systematically and repeatedly around similar issues. This is often a manifestation of journalists' non-questioning approach to the issues. Metaphors help us to analyze new and strange things with familiar terms. Part of the EU metaphors, like 'EU-train', were created by the government. The apposite metaphors served both politicians' and journalists' interests. (Hellsten 1996, 179-181.)

 
    The Helsingin Sanomat used methaphors in two ways. Firstly, in the leading articles, columns and other articles it systematically formed its identity with metaphors. Secondly, news and reports often included established metaphors used by the sources. Metaphors appeared in most cases in headlines and captions where they were useful because of their wittiness and briefness. Metaphors are parts of the basis of politicians', journalists' and citizens' conceptions of reality. (Hellsten 1996, 181-182.)

 
    In the HS's metaphors the European Union was seen as a space: 'Finland has to enter the Union', as a family: 'the eurofamily' and as a house: 'Finland is knocking on the EU's door'. The membership process was often described as a journey: 'by the EU-train'; as a game: 'The final spurt of Finland and Sweden towards EU negotiation decision' or as trade: 'They (the negotiators) are in Brussels offering Finland's independence for sale'. Christian methaphors related for example to the beast of the Apocalypse (EU/EY) and the tower of Babel (EU/EY). Historical metaphors like the ones that came from threat of Russia - 'Euro-Brussels is for us what Moscow used to be for them...' - were common. (Hellsten 1996, 188-202.)

 
    The discussion about European integration and Finland's EU membership is strongly based on methaphoric intepretations of a Finnish and European identity. The fear of being left alone, outside Europe, was one of the central themes in the Finnish media. It is important to belong to the right group, to the group of western countries, to 'we'. By belonging to that group, Finland could promote its economy and other interests. Being left alone, standing outside in the cold, Finland would perhaps be counted among the former socialist countries, become one of the 'others'. (Hellsten 1996, 202-203.)

 
    It is, in my opinion, very important to take a closer look at the factors behind the fear of being left outside the 'we' -group. According to the EU research project, the periphery -center -distinction was quite clear in the media. The definitions of Finland's position and Finnish identity in the Europe may have had a significant influence on people's voting behaviour.

  Siv Hoyer: In this section I would have liked to see more direct citations and examples from the newspapers.